Preface to the Tanski
Printing of Goodwin's Works 1996
This includes a biography and
a useful reading menu.
This, the first complete reprinting of The Works of Thomas
Goodwin in 130 years, stands as a fitting climax to the past half-century of
the rediscovery and republication of the writings of the Puritans. Renowned for
intelligent piety at its Puritan best, Thomas Goodwin, "the Atlas of
independency," stands on a par with John Owen, "the prince of Puritans," as a
theologian and an exegete, and often surpasses him in experimental depth.
Slightly easier to read than Owen, Goodwin's writings demand concentration for
maximum benefit. Any lover of the Biblical and experimental emphases of the
Puritans will find Goodwin both readable and spiritually rewarding. He
represents the cream of Puritanism, capturing the intellect, will, and heart of
his readers. His treatises join the vigor of earlier Puritans such as William
Perkins and Richard Sibbes to the matured thought of later Puritan divines,
represented supremely by Owen. Those influenced by Goodwin's writings include
John Cotton, Jonathan Edwards, George Whitefield, and John Gill.
Alexander
Whyte confessed: "I have read no other author so much and so often. And I
continue to read him to this day, as if I had never read him before." He calls
Goodwin's sermon, "Christ Dwelling in Our Hearts by Faith," one of the "two
very greatest sermons in the English language." Whyte aptly concludes: Goodwin
is always an interpreter, and one of a thousand,... All his work, throughout
his twelve volumes, is just so much pulpit exposition and pulpit application of
the Word of God.. Full as Goodwin always is of the ripest scriptural and
Reformation scholarship: full as he always is of the best thelogical and
philosophical learning of his own days and all foregoing days: full, also, as
he always is of the deepest spiritual experience - all the same, he is always
so simple, so clear, so direct, so untechnical, so personal, and so
pastoral.
In our generation, Puritan scholar J.I. Packer concurs: "Whyte
called Goodwin the greatest pulpit exegete of Paul that has ever lived,'
and perhaps justly; Goodwin's Biblical expositions are quite unique, even among
the Puritans, in the degree to which they combine theological breadth with
experimental depth. John Owen saw into the mind of Paul as clearly as Goodwin -
sometimes, on points of detail, more clearly - but not even Owen ever saw so
deep into Paul's heart."
The Life of Thomas Goodwin
Thomas
Goodwin was born in 1600, at Rollesby, Norfolk, in a county of England famed
for Puritan resistance to religious persecution by the Crown. This Puritan
climate impacted his God-fearing parents, who strove to rear him in preparation
for the ministry by their own example and by providing him with the best
classical education offered by neighbouring schools. In early school days he
had a tender conscience, experiencing from the age of six impressions of the
Holy Spirit that produced tears for sin and "flashes of joy upon thoughts of
the things of God." At the age of twelve, one year before the usual time, he
was able to enter Christ's College, Cambridge (1613), a "nest of Puritans" in
those days. The young Goodwin found that the memory of the father of
Puritanism, William Perkins (1558-1602), permeated Cambridge. Here too Richard
Sibbes, the "sweet dropper of Israel," was preaching at Trinity Church,
attracting those who yearned for spiritual edification rather than embellished
rhetoric.
Goodwin's memoir, edited by his son, reveals a great deal about
his induction into the Puritan movement at Cambridge under the direction of
several godly and learned tutors. At age fourteen, Goodwin eagerly anticipated
Easter when he hoped to partake of the Lord's Supper for the second time
because he thought he found those marks of saving grace within him which were
expounded by Zacharius Ursinus in his Commentary on the Heidelberg Catechism.
He also prepared himself by praying, attending Sibbes' s lectures, and reading
Calvin's Institutes. When the day arrived, however, his tutor, Mr. William
Power, who had a profound influence upon him, lovingly restrained him from
receiving Communion due to his age and spiritual immaturity. Feeling rejected,
the young Goodwin stopped attending Sibbes's sermons and lectures, ceased
praying and reading the Scriptures and Puritan literature, and instead set his
heart on becoming a successful preacher in the world. He determined to study
the art and rhetoric of preachers who cared more for style than substance and
were inclined to embrace the current brand of Arminianism being imported from
the Netherlands.
In 1619 he continued his studies at St. Catherine's Hall
in Cambridge, probably to obtain early promotion where scholars were not as
abundant as at Christ's College. He became a fellow and lecturer in the Hall.
Among the fellows there were John Arrowsmith, Andrew Perne, William Spurstowe,
and William Strong, all future colleagues of Goodwin in the Westminster
Assembly. Several of these and other Puritan friends sought to persuade him,
somewhat successfully, that his pursuit of embelished rhetoric and flirtation
with Arminianism could serve neither edification nor truth. Moreover, he never
could fully free himself from the preaching of Sibbes at Trinity Church and the
catechetical sermons of John Preston in the college chapel. Nevertheless, his
interest in Puritan spirituality remained spasmodic for another year, usually
intensifying prior to the Lord's Supper. Hardness of heart increased until God
finally brought Goodwin to a more profound conviction of sin and genuine
conversion on October 2, 1620, just after his twentieth birthday. On that
afternoon, as Thomas met with some friends to "make merry," one of the friends
convinced the group to attend a funeral sermon preached by a Dr. Bainbridge,
which focused on the need for personal repentance from Luke 19:41-42. God used
this message to show Goodwin his dreadful sins both original and actual, the
essential depravity of his heart, his averseness to all spiritual good, and his
desperate Christless condition which left him exposed to the just wrath of God
and an open hell.
Happily, it was not many hours later "before God, who
after we are regenerate is so faithful and mindful of his word," came and spoke
to him a "speedy word" of deliverance from Ezekiel 16: [Live,] yea, I
said unto you, Live,' - so God was pleased on the sudden, and as it were in an
instant, to alter the whole of his former dispensation towards me, and said of
and to my soul, Yea, live; yea, live, I say, said God: and as he created the
world and the matter of all things by a word, so he created and put a new life
and spirit into my soul, and so great an alteration was strange to me.... God
[then] took me aside, and as it were privately said unto me, Do you now turn to
me, and I will pardon all your sins though never so many, as I forgave and
pardoned my servant Paul, and convert you unto me. . .
Goodwin explains
four reasons why he believed that "these instructions and suggestions [of
deliverance and pardon] were immediately from God": (1) the condition of his
heart prior to receiving the word of God's willingness to pardon - "the posture
and condition of my spirit, and that this suggestion took me when my heart was
fixed, and that unmoveably, in the contrary persuasions"; (2) the
appropriateness of this divine word when it did come It was a word in its
proper season"; (3) that this word was "not an ungrounded fancy, but the pure
word of God, which is the ground of faith and hope"; and (4) that this divine
intimation had "consequents and effects after God's speaking to me," including
an altered disposition of soul; a dissolution of the works of Satan; an
enlightened understanding; a melted will disposed to turn to God; a new nature
"inclining me to good"; the Spirit of God as "a new indweller"; and "an actual
turning from all known sins, and my entertaining the truth of all
godliness."
Upon conversion, Goodwin aligned himself unequivocally for the
remainder of his life with the theological tradition of Perkins, Bayne, Sibbes,
and Preston. He resolved never to seek personal fame but "to part with all for
Christ and make the glory of God the measure of all time to come."
Consequently, he abandoned the polished style of preaching then common among
Anglican divines, since it promoted the preacher, and adopted the Puritan plain
style of preaching, which, in its self-conscious disuse of human embellishment,
sought to give all glory to God. His preaching became earnest, didactic,
experimental, and pastoral.
For the first seven years after his
regeneration in 1620, Goodwin struggled for personal assurance of faith. During
these years he was largely "intent on the conviction God had wrought in him, of
the heinousness of sin, and of his own sinful and miserable state by nature; of
the difference between the workings of natural conscience, though enlightened,
and the motions of a holy soul, changed and acted by the Spirit, in an
effectual work of peculiar saving grace. And accordingly he kept a constant
diary." Through letters and conversations with a godly minister, Mr. Price of
Kings Lynn (of whom Goodwin "said that he was the greatest man for experimental
acquaintance with Christ that ever he met"), he was led to see his need to
"live by faith in Christ, and to derive from him life and strength for
sanctification, and all comfort and joy through believing." Of this period of
spiritual struggle and difficulty, he confessed: "I was diverted from Christ
for several years, to search only into the signs of grace in me. It was almost
seven years ere I was taken off to live by faith on Christ, and God's free
love, which are alike the object of faith."
Goodwin's soul finally found
rest in Christ alone. He learned that he could not live from marks of grace.
Writing to Mr. Price, he states: "I am come to this pass now, that signs will
do me no good alone; I have trusted too much to habitual grace for assurance of
justification; I tell you Christ is worth all." His son concludes: "Thus coming
unto Christ, his weary soul found rest, when in all its unquiet motions it
could not find it anywhere else."
Goodwin's preaching now became
considerably more Christ-centred. He could now agree with Dr. Sibbes's advice:
"Young man, if you ever would do good, you must preach the gospel and the free
grace of God in Christ Jesus."
Shortly before this time, Goodwin was
licensed as a preacher in Cambridge University. The following year (1626) he
was influential in bringing Sibbes to St. Catherine's Hall as Master. In 1628
he was appointed lecturer at Trinity Church, succeeding Sibbes and Preston at
the age of twenty-seven! From 1632 to 1634 he served as vicar of this church.
In 1634, not willing to submit to Archbishop William Laud's new articles of
conformity and having become a target of Laudian repression, Goodwin resigned
his offices and left Cambridge. Numerous people, including several who later
became influential Puritan pastors, were converted under Goodwin's preaching
and lecturing in Cambridge.
During the mid-1630s, largely under the
influence of John Cotton, Goodwin adopted Independent principles of church
government. From 1634 to 1639 he was probably a Separatist preacher in London.
In 1639, because of increasing preaching restrictions and the threat of fines
and imprisonment, he took refuge in the Netherlands where he laboured in Arnhem
with other well-known Independent ministers in serving a group of more than one
hundred refugees from Laud's persecution. For two years he also exchanged
reflections with his Dutch colleagues and came to realize that the Dutch Second
Reformation (Nadere Reformatie) divines were emphasizing the same kind
of Reformed, experimental truths in preaching and pastoring as were the English
Puritans, and were provoking similar responses from many of their colleagues.
Just as some of the orthodox Dutch Calvinists looked askance at pietists such
as Gijsbertus Voetius, the Dutch Owen, so some Calvinistic clergy in the
English establishment viewed the Puritans with a certain degree of suspicion.
In Holland, however, there was more freedom to experiment in the area of church
government, so Goodwin found opportunity to explore the "Congregational Way,"
knowing that Independency was at best a minority view among the Puritans in
England.'
In 1641, after Laud had been impeached and the Long Parliament
had convened, Goodwin responded to Parliament's invitation to all who had left
England for nonconformity to return. Some have claimed he gathered a church on
Anchor Lane in the parish of St. Dunstan' s in the East, London, later to
become one of the most influential of the Independent churches. There is no
conclusive evidence to substantiate this claim although Goodwin was preaching
to an Independent church in St. Michael's Crooked Lane in London in 1646.'
Goodwin's rise to fame began with an invitation to preach to Parliament on
April 27, 1642. Subsequently, he was appointed a member of the Westminster
Assembly, where he is said to have been "the most decisive figure and the great
disturber of the Westminster Assembly," due to his continual promotion of the
Independent view of church government. Records of the assembly covering 243
sessions held from August 1643 to December 1644, indicate that Goodwin gave
more addresses than any other divine - 357 in all!16 Goodwin, Philip Nye,
Sydrach Simpson, William Bridge, and Jeremiah Burroughs became nicknamed the
five "Dissenting Brethren' on account of their Independent views which they
also presented to the Westminster Assembly in their Apologeticall Narration
(1644). Despite Goodwin's prolonging of the debate on church government, he
retained the respect of the Presbyterian majority as a capable and irenic
Puritan. He was chosen to pray in the solemn meeting of seven hours' duration
in which the assembly prepared to enter on the debate concerning the discipline
of the church. This respect is also evident by his being appointed in 1644 to
present to Parliament The Directory of Public Worship, at which time (and on
several other occasions) he preached before Parliament. Subsequently, the House
of Lords gave Goodwin and Jeremiah Whitaker the oversight and examination of
the papers to be printed for the assembly.
After the assembly recessed,
additional preferments followed in rapid succession for Goodwin. In 1649,
Goodwin, Joseph Caryl, and Edward Reynolds were appointed lecturers at Oxford.
On June 7, 1649, both Goodwin and Owen preached before the House of Commons on
a special day of public thanksgiving and the next day the House put their names
forward for promotion to the presidency of two Oxford colleges. In 1650,
Goodwin became president of Magdalen College, Oxford, while Owen similarly
became dean of Christchurch. The pair must have had considerable influence,
since Cromwell yielded his power as Chancellor to a commission headed by Owen.
At his post, Goodwin was made a close adviser to Cromwell and the protector's
Oxford Commissioner.
Goodwin's influence shaped Magdalen College into an
institution known for adherence to scriptural truth and Calvinistic,
experimental doctrine. Demanding academic excellence and dealing plainly with
the spiritual lives of the students, he was soon accused of operating a
"scruple shop" by those who did not appreciate his Puritan emphasis on
intelligent piety. It was in these years, however, as even Lord Clarendon later
pronounced, that "the University of Oxford yielded a harvest of extraordinary
good and sound knowledge in all parts of learning."
As he began his college
presidency, Goodwin married for the second time. In 1638 he had married
Elizabeth Prescott, the daughter of a London alderman, but she died in the
1640s, leaving him with one daughter. In 1650 he married Mary Hammond, "of
ancient and honourable Shropshire lineage." Goodwin was forty- nine and she was
in her seventeenth year. By this second marriage Goodwin had two sons, Thomas
and Richard, and two daughters, both of whom died in infancy. Richard died as a
young man on a voyage to the East Indies. Thomas followed in his father's
footsteps as an Independent pastor and later established a private academy for
the training of ministers. Goodwin's ten years at Oxford were active and
productive. During this time he and John Owen shared a Sunday afternoon lecture
for the students at Oxford, and both were chaplains to Cromwell. Goodwin also
formed an Independent church and preached to a unique mixture of hearers,
uneducated and educated, including Stephen Charnock and Thankful Owen. In 1653
Goodwin was awarded a doctorate in divinity by Oxford University. The following
year he was chosen by Cromwell to sit on the Board of Visitors of Oxford
University, as well as to be one of the Triers on The Board for the Approbation
of Public Preachers, whose task it was to examine men for both pulpit and
public instructional work. He was also appointed to the Oxfordshire Commission
for the Ejection of Scandalous Ministers. During this decade, Goodwin was
probably closer to Cromwell than any other Independent divine and attended the
Lord Protector on his deathbed.
Before Cromwell died (September 3, 1658),
Goodwin secured his reluctant permission for the Independents to hold a synod
and draft a confession of faith. On September 29, 1658 Goodwin, Owen, Philip
Nye, William Bridge, Joseph Caryl, and William Greenhill were appointed to draw
up a confession of faith to be used by some 120 Independent churches. Owen
almost certainly wrote the lengthy introduction, but it was Goodwin who
probably had the most important hand in writing the first draft: Goodwin again
was prominent and this declaration amounted to a statement of his convictions
on Church faith and order spawned in his twenties, triggered into action by
John Cotton, consolidated in his thirties, thrashed out in Holland, practised
in London and Oxford, defended in the Westminster Assembly and thus at last
given a definitive expression. Goodwin's star had reached its zenith.
The
resulting document was presented for approval to a group of representatives
from over one hundred Independent churches. After eleven or twelve days of
work, the Savoy Declaration of Faith and Order was adopted October 12, 1658,
being unanimously approved. On October 14 Goodwin led a delegation to present
the Savoy Declaration to Richard Cromwell. Closely resembling the Westminster
Confession of Faith with the major exception of church polity, it became the
confessional standard for British and American Congregationalism from that
date.
With the Rump Parliament restored in 1659 the Presbyterian
state-church was restored as well, but one year later, with the support of many
Presbyterians and Anglicans, Charles II landed at Dover on May 25. Due to the
accession of Charles II and the accompanying loss of Puritan power, Goodwin
felt compelled to leave his work at Oxford. He moved to London, together with a
substantial part of his congregation, and formed a church there in 1660.
Despite assurances to the contrary, the new king enacted strict acts of
conformity. In 1662 two thousand godly ministers were ejected from the national
church. Being in an Independent church, however, and holding no offices to
which he had been appointed by the government, Goodwin was not among them. He
was allowed by God's overruling providence to continue preaching throughout the
many years of persecution under Charles II. He also was enabled to lead his
London congregation through the dreaded Plague, when most Established Church
pastors abandoned the city. He devoted his last years to preaching, pastoral
work, and the writing of numerous treatises, of which we are beneficiaries more
than three hundred years later with this timely reprint of his Works.
Reading Goodwin
Thomas Goodwin was a prolific author and
editor. During the 1630s he coedited with John Ball the works of John Preston
and Richard Sibbes. He began to publish some of his own sermons in 1636. Prior
to his death, he published at least twelve devotional works, most of which were
collections of sermons. The fact that they were reissued forty-seven times
indicates the high demand and wide circulation of his publications. Most of
Goodwin's major theological writings were the fruit of his riper years and were
published posthumously. His unusually large corpus of treatises displays a
pastoral and scholarly zeal rivalled by few Puritans.
The first collection
of Goodwin's works was published in five folio volumes in London from 1681 to
1704 under the editorship of Thankful Owen, Thomas Baron, and Thomas Goodwin,
Jr. An abridged version of Goodwin's works, condensed by J. Rabb, was printed
in four volumes (London, 1847-50). The presently reprinted twelve-volume
authoritative edition was printed by James Nichol (Edinburgh, 186 1-66) as his
first choice in what would become known as the well-edited and highly regarded
Nichol's Series of Standard Divines; not surprisingly, it is far superior to
the original five folio volumes.
Goodwin's treatment of his subjects is
massive, sometimes liable to exhaust the half-hearted. The pull of his writings
is not always felt immediately. His first editors (1681) explained his
occasional prolixity in these terms: "He had a genius to dive into the bottom
of points, to study them down,' as he used to express it, not contenting
himself with superficial knowledge, without wading into the depths of things."
Edmund Calamy put it this way: "It is evident from his writings, he studied not
words, but things. His stile is plain and familiar; but very diffuse, homely
and tedious." Though Calamy has exaggerated the problem of style, one does need
patience to read Goodwin at times; along with depth and prolixity, however, he
combines a wonderful sense of warmth, unction, and experience. The reader's
patience will be amply rewarded.
How then ought a beginner in Goodwin's
Works proceed? Here is a suggested plan:
First, begin by reading some of the shorter, more
practical writings of Goodwin, such as these:
(1) Patience and Its Perfect
Work, four sermons expounding James 1:1-5, was written after the loss of a
large part of Goodwin's personal library by fire (volume 2, pages 429-467
[hereafter 2:429-467]) and is replete with practical instruction for enhancing
a spirit of submission.
(2) Certain Select Cases Resolved includes three
experimental treatises which unveil Goodwin's large pastoral heart for
afflicted Christians, each of them aiming at specific struggles in the
believer's soul: (a) A Child of Light Walking in Darkness, a classic treatise
of Puritan encouragement for the spiritually depressed based on Isaiah 50:10-11
(3:241-350). Its subtitle summarizes its contents well: A Treatise shewing The
Causes by which, The Cases wherein, and the Ends for which, God leaves His
Children to Distress of Conscience, Together with Directions How to Walk so as
to Come Forth of Such a Condition. (b) The Return of Prayers, based on Psalm
85:8, a uniquely practical work that affords discernment in ascertaining "God's
answers to our prayers" (3:353-429). (c) The Trial of a Christian's Growth
(3:433-506), based on John 15:1-2, a masterpiece on sanctification which
focuses on the graces of mortification and vivification. For a mini-classic on
spiritual growth, this gem remains unsurpassed until today.
(3) The Vanity
of Thoughts, based on Jeremiah 4:14 (3:509- 528), is a convicting little work,
stressing the need for bringing every thought into captive obedience to Christ,
and providing remedies on how to foster that obedience.
Second, read for instruction and edification some of
Goodwin's great sermons which inevitably bear a strong, Biblical,
Christological, and experimental stamp (2:359-425; 4:15 1-224; 5:439-548;
7:473-576; 9:499-514; 12:1-127).
Third, delve
into Goodwin's great works which expound major doctrines, including the
following:
(1) An Unregenerate Man's Guiltiness Before God in Re spect of
Sin and Punishment (10:1-567) is a weighty Puritan treatment of human guilt,
corruption, and the imputation and punishment of sin. For exposure of the total
depravity of the natural man's heart, this treatise is unparalleled in all of
Christian literature. It aims to produce a heartfelt sense of dire need for
saving faith in Christ rather than the quick-fix approach of contemporary,
superficial Christendom.
(2) The Object and Acts of Justifying Faith is a
frequently reprinted classic (8:1-593). Part I, on the objects offaith, focuses
on God's nature, Christ Himself, and the free grace of God revealed in His
absolute promises. Part II deals with the acts of faith - what it means to
believe in Christ, to obtain assurance, to find joy in the Holy Ghost, to make
use of God's electing love. A concluding section beautifully expounds the
"actings of faith in prayer." Part III addresses the properties of faith - its
excellency, for it gives all honor to God and Christ; its difficulty, for it
reaches beyond the natural abilities of man; its necessity, for we must
endeavor to believe in the strength of God. A valuable, practical conclusion
provides "directions to guide us in our endeavours to believe."
(3) Christ
the Mediator (2 Corinthians 5:18-19), Christ Set Forth (Romans 8:34), and The
Heart of Christ in Heaven To wards Sinners on Earth are great works of
Christology (5:1-438; 4:1-92; 4:93-150). Christ the Mediator sets forth Jesus
especially in His substitutionary work of humiliation, and rightly deserves to
be called a classic as well; Christ Set Forth proclaims Him largely albeit
briefly in His exaltation; The Heart of Christ expounds the neglected theme of
the affectionate tenderness of Christ's glorified human nature shown to His
people still on earth. In this latter work Goodwin waxes more mystical than
anywhere else in his writings, but as Paul Cook has ably shown, his mysticism
is confined within the boundaries of Scripture. Here Goodwin is unapproached
"in his combination of intellectual and theological power with evangelical and
homiletical comfort."28
(4) Gospel Holiness in Heart and Life (7:129-336)
is a convicting and stimulating masterpiece, based on Philippians 1:9-11,
expounding the doctrine of sanctification in every sphere of life.
(5) The
Knowledge of God the Father, and His Son Jesus Christ (4:347-569), combined
with The Work of the Holy Spirit (6:1-522), speak much of a profound
experimental acquaintance in the believer's soul of each of the three divine
persons in their personhood and saving work. The Work of the Spirit is
particularly helpful in the doctrines of regeneration and conversion, and in
delicately yet lucidly discerning the work of "the natural conscience" from the
Spirit's saving work.
(6) The Glory of the Gospel (4:227-346) Consists of
two sermons and a treatise based on Colossians 1:26-27, and ought to be read
together with The Blessed State of Glory Which the Saints Possess After Death
(7:339-472), based on Revelation 14:13.
(7) A Discourse of Election
(9:1-498) is a profound work which delves deeply into questions such as the
supralapsarianinfralapsarian debate which wrestles with the moral order of
God's decree, but it also deals practically with the fruits of election (e.g.,
see Book IV on 1 Peter 5:10 and Book V on how God fulfils His covenant of grace
in the generations of believers).
(8) In The Creatures and the Condition of
Their State by Creation (7:1-128) Goodwin waxes more philosophical here than
elsewhere. Fourth, digest prayerfully and slowly Goodwin's profound 900+ page
exposition of Ephesians 1:1 to 2:11 (1:1-564; 2:1- 355) - a work of which has
been justly concluded, "Not even Luther on the Galatians is such an expositor
of Paul's mind and heart as is Goodwin on the Ephesians."
Finally, save for
last Goodwin's exposition of Revelation (3:1-226) and his sole polemical work,
The Constitution, Right Order, and Government of the Churches of Christ
(11:1-546). Independents, of course, would value this latter work highly, while
Presbyterians would hold that Goodwin is a safe guide in nearly every area but
church government. Happily, Goodwin's work does not degrade Presbyterians; in
fact, one of his contemporaries who felt compelled to answer it confessed the
author conveyed "a truly great and noble spirit" throughout the work.
Goodwin's Distinctive Teachings - Sealing and Assurance
In discussing
Goodwin's teaching, the pastoral context of his writing must be remembered.
Most of his writing focuses on the doctrine of salvation and its personal
application; he is seldom interested in dogmatics or metaphysics for their own
sake. All his teaching and theology are ultimately pulpit exposition and
application. Consequently, he commences each book and usually each chapter of
each book with a scriptural text that he first expounds and applies. He excels
in drawing all his theology out of the fountainhead of Scripture. This renders
his writings fresh, rich, and personal. In short, his sermons and treatises
were written to help believers know their spiritual state and grow in their
relationship with the Triune God.
Surprisingly little has been written on
what Thomas Goodwin taught. Major studies on his theology are few. Perhaps this
is due to the fact that, for the most part, his doctrine of salvation was not
original. Its basic feature was drawn from the classically
Pauline-Augustinian-Puritan conviction that true happiness lay in the knowledge
of and communion with God by faith, as well as in praise and obedience to Him
in daily life. Throughout his life, the believer needs increasingly to grasp by
faith the objective work of God in election and redemption as well as
subjectively to experience God's work of justification and sanctification
within him. There are two areas, however, in which Goodwin does chart his own
course soteriologically: the sealing of the Spirit and personal assurance of
faith. On these matters, Goodwin has most to say in his Exposition of the
Epistle to the Ephesians (sermons 13-17 on Ephesians 1:13-14), and Of the
Object andActs of Justifying Faith (Part II ["Of the Acts of Faith"],
particularly Book II ["Of faith of assurance"]). Additional thoughts on
assurance are interwoven in several other works, most notably, A Child of Light
Walking in Darkness, The Return of Prayers, and The Trial of a Christian's
Growth.
Goodwin's view on the sealing of the Spirit must be placed in light
of its historical context. The seal of the Spirit was a common theme in the
seventeenth century, and one which the majority of Puritans intimately
conjoined with assurance. Not that this was always the case, however, for the
early Reformers clearly maintained a one-to-one correlation between the
"Spirit- regenerated" and the "Spirit-sealed." John Calvin (1509-1564), for
example, denies what would become the general Puritan notion that it was
possible to believe without being sealed with the Spirit; instead, he declares
that the seal is the Holy Spirit Himself. The sealing work of the Spirit also
belongs to the essence of faith.
By the time of William Perkins
(1558-1602), however, the focus was no longer on the Holy Spirit as seal, so
much as on what the activity of the Spirit was in sealing the promise to the
believer. Perkins taught that this personal sealing removes all doubt for the
believer. In sealing, which is mediated through the Word, the Spirit begets an
assured "trust and confidence" in the promises so that the believer's will and
understanding is moved to embrace the promises experimentally as his own.
Perkins's successor, Paul Bayne (d. 1617), attempted to unite together both the
Spirit as the seal Himself by being Indweller and the consequences of that
sealing in the graces of the regenerate life, and thus bring some harmony to
the diverse Reformed-Puritan heritage. Bayne distinguished being sealed by the
Spirit from being made conscious of such sealing. The former belonged to all
true believers (Calvin's input); the latter, to some (Perkins's input). Richard
Sibbes (1577-1635), one of Bayne's converts and his successor, taught that the
sealing of the Spirit was a "superadded work" and "superadded confirmation" of
the believer's faith. Sealing is comparable to the "sweet communion of
marriage" with a perfect Bridegroom, Jesus Christ, whose own sealing by God the
Father is the foundation of the believer's sealing. For Christ's sake, seals
serve for "confirmation, distinction, appropriation, estimation, secrecy," and
remain "inviolable." For Sibbes, the internal, sealing testimony of the Spirit
is the supreme sign of grace.
Moving a step beyond Sibbes, John Preston
(1587-1628) taught specifically that the sealing of the Spirit was a second
work given exclusively to those who overcome. Influenced by this Sibbes-Preston
tradition and by his own experience of full assurance, Thomas Goodwin carried
the sealing of the Spirit as a second work to its fullest development.
Consciously rejecting Calvin's position, Goodwin defines such sealing as a
"light beyond the light of ordinary faith." He expands as follows:
"The
sealing of the Holy Spirit is an immediate assurance by a heavenly and divine
light of a divine authority, which the Holy Ghost sheddeth in a man's heart,
(not having relation to grace wrought or anything in a man's self,) whereby he
sealeth him up to the day of redemption.. . .It is the next thing to heaven. .
. you can have no more until you come thither".
Sealing is the "whispering"
of the Holy Spirit that I am elected of God, have my sins forgiven, and belong
to Him forever - both intuitively and directly. Thus, Goodwin made a direct tie
between the sealing of the Spirit and full assurance of faith, contrary to Owen
who rejected identifying the sealing of the Spirit with a post-regeneration
experience of assurance. Interestingly, the Westminster Assembly seems to have
left this question open (Westminster Confession of Faith, chapter XVIII,
paragraph 2). The divines agreed that assurance of faith is grounded primarily
upon the promises of God and secondarily on "the inward evidences of those
graces unto which these promises are made," but then they added these words
without specifying whether they represent a continuation of the second ground
or a distinct third ground: "the testimony of the Spirit of adoption witnessing
with our spirits that we are the children of God, which Spirit is the earnest
of our inheritance, whereby we are sealed to the day of redemption."
The
Westminster divines knew that the witness of the Holy Spirit was the most
difficult ground of assurance to comprehend. They freely confessed that
"amazing variety" and vast mysteries surrounded them when they spoke of the
leadings of the Spirit and how He dwells in believers. Consequently, the
assembly desired to allow freedom for different opinions concerning some of the
finer details of the Spirit's testimony. There were two, and possibly three
schools of thought among the divines.
In the first group are those men,
such as Jeremiah Burroughs, Anthony Burgess, and George Gillespie, who regarded
the testimony of the Holy Spirit in assurance as exclusively His activity
within syllogistic reasoning whereby He brings conscience to unite with His
witness that the Christian is a child of God. According to this view Romans
8:15 and 8:16 are regarded as synonymous: the witness of the Holy Spirit is
always conjoined with the witness of the believer's spirit. For these divines,
the inward evidence of grace and the testimony of the Spirit are essentially
one; they impart full assurance. These divines felt this view was important to
maintain in opposition to mysticism and antinomianism which are prone to accent
a direct testimony of the Spirit apart from the necessity of bringing forth
practical fruits of faith and repentance.
In the second group are those
divines such as Samuel Rutherford, William Twisse, Henry Scudder, and Thomas
Goodwin, who believed that the witness of the Spirit described in Romans 8:15
contains something in addition to that of verse 16. This group distinguishes
the Spirit witnessing with the believer's spirit by syllogistic reasoning from
His witnessing to the believer's spirit by direct applications of the Word. As
Meyer points out, the former leaves in its wake the self-conscious conviction,
"I am a child of God," and on the basis of such Spirit-worked syllogisms finds
freedom to approach God as Father. The latter speaks the Spirit's pronouncement
on behalf of the Father, "You are a child of God," and on this basis of hearing
of its sonship from God's own Word by the Spirit, proceeds to approach Him with
the familiarity of a child. Henry Scudder's breakdown of the Spirit's witness
is typical of this second group:
"This Spirit does witness to a man, that
he is the child of God, two ways: First, By immediate witness and suggestion.
Secondly, By necessary inferences, by signs from the infallible fruits of the
said Spirit."
This second group differed among themselves on whether the
Spirit's direct testimony should be regarded as more spontaneous, durable, and
powerful than His syllogistic testimony. The most common approach is
Rutherford's, which allows for the direct testimony, but then stresses that the
reflex act of faith is as a rule "more spiritual and helpful" than are direct
acts. Consequently, all believers should be regularly praying for the Spirit's
illumination to guide them into syllogistic conclusions. Twisse and Scudder
distinguish the Spirit's testifying with our spirit from His witnessing of
personal adoption without determining which is most valuable.
Goodwin
asserts, however, that the direct witness of the Spirit far supersedes the
co-witnessing through the syllogisms. For him, "full" assurance is more than
discursive; it is also intuitive. Generally speaking, however, this second
group (with the exception of Goodwin and a few others) does not conceive of the
direct testimony of the Spirit as being independent of the syllogisms, but as
"superadded" to them. They are agreed that the syllogistic way of reaching
assurance is more common and probably safer: "Some Divines do not indeed deny
the possibility of such an immediate Testimony, but yet they conclude the
ordinary and safe way, is, to look for that Testimony, which is by the effects,
and fruits of God's Spirit."
Goodwin and those he influenced may also be
said to belong to a sub-group of the second group because though their views
are intimately associated with the second group theologically, they place the
event of "immediate" assurance by direct witness of the Holy Spirit on a higher
level practically. Some Westminster divines, such as William Bridge and Samuel
Rutherford, belonging to the second group, believe that such assurance becomes
the portion of many Christians before they die. Others, however, and most
notably Goodwin, place this experience far beyond the pale of ordinary
experience. In fact, Goodwin states that the experience of full assurance
pronounced by the Spirit "immediately" is so profound that it is comparable to
"a new conversion."
For Goodwin this "full" assurance is the zenith of
experimental life. Unlike the position adopted by most in the second group,
such assurance is divorced from the syllogisms entirely: This witness is
immediate, that is, it builds not his testimony on anything in us; it is not a
testimony fetched out of a man's self, or the work of the Spirit in man, as the
others were; for the Spirit speaks not by his effects, but speaks from himself.
Goodwin repeatedly uses terms such as "immediate light," "joy unspeakable,"
"transcendent," "glorious," and "intuitive" in describing the experience of
full assurance. Indeed, it is beyond human description: Those who have attained
it cannot demonstrate it to others, especially not to those who have not
experience of it, for it is a white stone which no one knows but he that
receives it, Rev. 2:l7.
Goodwin nevertheless wholeheartedly concurred with
his fellow divines that the Spirit's testimony is always tied to, and may never
contradict, the Word of God. "The Spirit is promised in the Word, and that
promise is fulfilled in experience." All the Westminster Assembly divines were
most anxious to avoid antinomianism and unbiblical mysticism on the one hand,
as well as to protect the freedom of the Spirit and the reality of Biblical -
Pauline mystical experience on the other.
Goodwin's Homegoing and
Epitaph
Goodwin died in London in his eightieth year embracing the
Triune God by victorious faith and reminiscing of God's past faithfulness to
him. More than fifty years before that time, he had experienced a sweet,
"immediate" assurance sealed to his heart by the Holy Spirit which went far
beyond anything he had previously experienced. Inseparable from this personal
sense of full assurance, through which he felt almost as if he were "converted
again," was an experimental realization of communing with each of the three
divine Persons. This conviction strengthened with time and served him in good
stead on his deathbed, as his son informs us:
"In all the violence of [his
fever], he discoursed with that strength of faith and assurance of Christ's
love, with that holy admiration of free grace, with that joy in believing, and
such thanksgivings and praises, as he extremely moved and affected all that
heard him.... He rejoiced in the thought that he was dying, and going to have a
full and uninterrupted communion with God. I am going,' said he, to
the three Persons, with whom I have had communion: they have taken me; I did
not take them.... I could not have imagined I should ever have had such a
measure of faith in this hour.... Christ cannot love me better than he doth; I
think I cannot love Christ better than I do; I am swallowed up in God....' With
this assurance of faith, and fulness ofjoy, his soul left this world."
Throughout a long life, Thomas Goodwin not only attained celebrity or notoriety
(depending on one's view) as a leader of Independency during the Civil War and
Interregnum period, and as a principal architect of the Cromwellian domestic
settlement; he also was known among the Puritan divines of the seventeenth
century as an eminent believer, an able preacher, a caring pastor, and a
profoundly spiritual writer. Buried in Bunhill Fields, his epitaph, written in
long obliterated Latin, is most moving when read in full; it summarizes well
his most important gifts: He was by the grace of God knowledgeable in the
Scriptures, sound in judgment, and enlightened by the Spirit to penetrate the
mysteries of the gospel; he was a pacifier of troubled consciences, a dispeller
of error, and a truly Christian pastor; he did edify numbers of souls whom he
had first won to Christ. And is not the closing section of his epitaph being
fulfilled even today by the reprinting of his works at the close of the second
millenium of the Christian era?
"His writings..., the noblest monument of
this great man's praise, will diffuse his name in a more fragrant odour than
that of the richest perfume, to flourish in those distant ages, when this
marble, inscribed with his just honour, shall have dropt into dust.
Dr.
Joel R. Beeke Grand Rapids, Michigan 49503 Easter, 1996